Elon Musk was star guest this year at an annual conference organized by Italian PM Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party.
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He arrived against the backdrop of an ice-skating rink and an ancient castle in Rome with one of his 11 children to tout the value of procreation.

Italy has one of the lowest birth rates in the world, and Musk urged the crowd to “make more Italians to save Italy’s culture,” a particular focus of the Meloni government.

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Meloni has been a strong opponent of surrogacy, which is criminalized in Italy, but there was no mention of Musk’s own recent children born of surrogacy.

The owner of X (formerly called Twitter) was slightly rumpled with what could easily be argued the least stylish shoes in the mostly Italian crowd since Donald Trump’s often unkempt former top adviser Steve Bannon appeared at the conference in 2018.
Meloni sat in the front row taking photos of Musk, who she personally invited. Meloni founded the Atreju conference in 1998, named after a character in the 1984 film “The NeverEnding Story.”

Ukraine is developing a “drowning not waving” problem. It is struggling to say clearly how badly the war is going.
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Giving a candid public assessment of how poorly a conflict is going can be an unwise move as it can result in morale and support draining. After Obama boosted troops in Afghanistan, public support declined over the years, in part because of a lack of realism about how the war was going.
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Ukraine’s acutely bad presentation of its troubles is mostly due to the myopia of its allies.

The lack of understanding in parts of US Congress is breathtaking. A congressman this week suggested Ukraine should name a finite price tag and a specific, simple goal. It’s staggering after two American wars of choice in two decades, costing trillions of dollars, that congressional memories are so short, and comprehension so limited.

Instead, Kyiv consistently points to past successes and future goals. They have reclaimed about half the territory Russia took last year; they have damaged its Black Sea presence strategically. They have a plan for 2024, Zelensky said, but it is secret.

Yet in truth, the most useful headline for Kyiv should be how unutterably bleak the frontlines are for them now. In nearly every direction, the news is grim. Russian forces are hiving off parts of the eastern city of Avdiivka, yet another town Moscow seems content to throw thousands of lives at despite its minimal importance. Along the Zaporizhzhia frontline, where the counteroffensive was focused but ultimately slow and unrewarding, Russian units have come back with renewed vigor and the defense is costly for Ukraine. Ukraine has made a plucky (or foolhardy) dash across the Dnipro River, with some small progress into Russian lines. The casualties have been immense, their supply lines are problematic, and their prospects dim.

OpenAI had a confusing week. Who came out on top? And who lost out?
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The leadership crisis that engulfed OpenAI for nearly a week ended almost as abruptly as it began: With a terse, cryptic announcement by the company that would have enormous ramifications for its future.

In some ways, the outcome was a return to the status quo: Sam Altman would be restored as CEO, with the company’s deep and lucrative business partnership with Microsoft, which took a $13 billion stake in the company even as it ramps up its own AI research efforts, left intact.

But in other ways, the agreement is still a watershed moment for OpenAI and the artificial intelligence field writ large.

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The tumultuous week seems to have resulted in a big victory for Altman personally; proponents of widespread AI adoption; and some of the country’s most established elites. And it came at the expense of AI skeptics who, by many accounts, bungled an attempt to make a principled stand for caution about the technology’s long-term risks.

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Manchester United’s teenage sensation Kobbie Mainoo shows the way forward in rollercoaster season
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No matter how successful – or lately, unsuccessful – Manchester United has been on the pitch, the club has always prided itself on an uncanny ability to generate the game’s brightest young stars. The latest breakthrough talent, it seems, is 18-year-old midfielder Kobbie Mainoo.

The teenager’s emergence from the youth academy has been one of the few bright sparks in an otherwise difficult season for the team, and the highlight of his fledgling career came during United’s thrilling 4-3 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers on Thursday.\

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After the host had seemingly snatched a draw in the 95th minute of the match, Mainoo showed his considerable potential by scoring a winner in the dying moments.

The English youngster received the ball under pressure outside of the opposition’s box before slaloming his way towards the goal, nut-megging a Wolves defender on the way. Then, when other players might have panicked, Mainoo kept his composure and guided a perfect shot into the far corner of the net.

While his teammates celebrated wildly, Mainoo seemed to take it all in his stride as he slid towards the crowd on his knees after scoring his first Premier League goal.

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It was a sensational moment and a goal which might change the teenager’s life forever.

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Why do we have right-on-red, and is it time to get rid of it?
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In America, traveling through red lights on right turns has become a rule of the road. Frequently, you get honked at if you don’t speed through fast enough.

But the widespread driving practice is now coming under scrutiny, and facing government curbs, for being too dangerous.

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Years ago, right-on-red was mostly limited to California and a few other western states. Woody Allen famously declared in “Annie Hall” that he’d never live in Los Angeles because the city’s “only cultural advantage is that you can make a right turn on a red light.”

Right-on-red spread across the country in the 1970s in response to the Arab oil embargo against the United States and oil rationing. States introduced it as a gas-savings measure: The theory was that it would reduce idling at red lights.
Congress sped up states’ adoption of right-on-red laws with a provision in the 1975 Energy Policy and Conservation Act. It tied states’ eligibility for federal energy assistance to allowing right-on-red “to the maximum extent practicable consistent with safety.”

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By 1972, 13 states allowed RTOR, according to a legislative history of the practice in Connecticut. By the end of the decade, nearly every state in the country had it. (Although not New York City — and the patchwork of municipalities which do or don’t allow it only adds to the behind-the-wheel confusion.)

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